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Péter Magyar’s election as Hungary’s next prime minister — ending 16 years of Viktor Orbán’s rule — could reshape Orbán’s influence network in Brussels, from EU Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi to MCC Brussels, a government-linked think tank.

His Tisza Party, which secured a two-thirds constitutional majority, has pledged to reorient Hungary’s relationships with the EU and NATO. While Magyar has yet to detail his plans for Brussels, he promised sweeping change during the campaign and after the vote.

“A simple change of government is not enough to solve these problems; a change of regime is needed, because an organised criminal group is effectively running our country,” Magyar said on Monday at an international press conference.

Magyar also called on key state figures, including President Tamás Sulyok, to resign or face removal. He also targeted some of Orbán’s closest friends, also part of a wealthy circle, such as Hungary’s richest man Lőrincz Mészáros.

In recent years, Orbán has built an extensive network in Brussels to advance his policy agenda and amplify his political narrative. Several key figures now face potential removal, while allied organisations may see their funding reduced.

Hungarian Commissioner Várhelyi as weakest link

One of Orbán’s most prominent allies in Brussels is Olivér Várhelyi, the EU Commissioner for Health and Animal Welfare. Neither Magyar nor the Tisza Party has explicitly named him as a target, but many in Brussels see the change of government as an opportunity to press for his removal.

Várhelyi is regarded as a close ally of Orbán and has regularly attended party-political events organised by the Patriots for Europe group. He is currently the subject of an internal Commission investigation into his alleged role in a spying scandal.

According to press reports, Hungary’s permanent representation, which carries out diplomatic work and connects the capitals with the institutions in Brussels, operated a network of spies targeting Hungarian nationals working at EU institutions.

The Commission opened an investigation and reported progress on Tuesday, two days after the Hungarian elections.

“Progress has been made, and the Commission will inform the Parliament once all administrative steps are completed,” Commission spokesperson Balázs Ujvári said, declining to provide further details.

Várhelyi said last October that he had been unaware of any spying recruitment during his time as ambassador. As Permanent Representative, he also worked alongside the future prime minister: Magyar served as a diplomat between 2011 and 2015.

Magyar said in October that Várhelyi “did not reveal the whole truth” about the allegations. If the investigation’s findings reflect badly on Várhelyi, this could create grounds for his removal, either by Hungary’s new government or by the Commission itself.

Commissioners are not required to step down if their home government withdraws confidence. However, they may resign voluntarily, or the Commission president may request their resignation or dismiss them.

In the latter case, with the agreement of the member state concerned, the commissioner can be replaced by a candidate proposed by that country. EU News sought comment from Várhelyi; he had not responded at the time of publication.

Hungarian ambassador to the EU under scrutiny

Magyar made no specific mention of replacing ambassadors, but the position of Hungary’s Permanent Representative in Brussels is among the most sensitive in the country’s diplomatic service.

Permanent Representative Bálint Ódor, a career diplomat, has implemented key decisions and vetoes of the Orbán government in Brussels, including blocking several sanctions packages against Russia and opposing the delisting of Russian businessmen. Ódor began his diplomatic career in 2002 and was appointed to the role in 2022.

As the incoming government prepares to shift Hungary’s EU policy, his replacement appears likely, though not certain. Ódor is not widely regarded as an Orbán loyalist, but the position requires full political trust.

At Monday’s press conference, Magyar signalled that he intends to rely on the existing diplomatic and civil service apparatus, without referring specifically to ambassadors.

“Because someone was part of a system — as a career diplomat, a government official, or a department head — watching the plundering of our country, that does not mean they are not a good public servant. We count on the experience of such people,” Magyar said.

Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU did not respond to a request for comment.

Think tanks and intelligentsia network

MCC Brussels is the EU arm of the Mathias Corvinus Collegium, a private educational institute and think tank widely seen as an ideological pillar of Orbán’s inner circle.

Balázs Orbán, the outgoing prime minister’s political director, chairs the MCC curatorium, while MCC Brussels is led by British-Hungarian academic Frank Furedi. The organisation’s stated mission is to influence the policy debate in Brussels.

Despite the election result, MCC Brussels says it has no intention of scaling back its operations.

“We plan to keep doing what we do at MCC Brussels — we are not going anywhere and we have a lot to do,” MCC Brussels’ John O’Brien told EU News. “As an independent organisation, we will continue to research, analyse and advocate around our core concerns, and continue to hold EU institutions to account,” he added.

MCC Brussels is currently funded through subsidies from MCC’s Budapest headquarters, totalling €6.26 million in 2025.

At his press conference, Magyar threatened to investigate the transfer of state assets to MCC, announcing plans for a dedicated office to recover such assets. He also said that state financing for MCC and conservative gatherings such as CPAC would be discontinued.

“The state will not finance these things — neither the event called CPAC, nor the Mathias Corvinus Collegium and other affiliated institutions. I say it should not have financed them until now. This was a crime,” Magyar said.

However, MCC received a substantial financial injection just days before the election. Last Friday, Hungary’s oil giant MOL approved a dividend payment of HUF 241 billion (approximately €662 million) to its shareholders.

MCC holds a 10% stake in MOL, meaning the organisation’s Budapest headquarters received around €66 million shortly before Orbán lost power.

Cutting down events and receptions

The Foundation for a Civic Hungary is the party foundation of the ruling Fidesz party, which has maintained a Brussels office for lobbying, organising events, and promoting Orbán’s conservative agenda.

The office is now reassessing its presence in Brussels in light of Fidesz’s poor election performance.

“Under Hungarian law and European and German practice, party foundations receive state support in proportion to the votes cast for their affiliated parties,” the Brussels office told EU News.

“Respecting the election results, we will make decisions about our activities in the coming weeks. Our foundation will continue to serve the civic side in the future.”