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Former FDLR fighters face challenges returning to civilian life in Rwanda

Get you up to speed: Why former FDLR fighters are returning to Rwanda

What remains unclear — It is uncertain how many former FDLR fighters successfully reintegrate into civilian life after leaving the Mutobo Centre.

Former FDLR fighters face challenges returning to civilian life in Rwanda

NewsWhy former FDLR fighters are returning to Rwanda

From the forest to Mutobo, former fighters face the challenge of rebuilding their lives after leaving the armed group.

Published On 21 Oct 202621 Oct 2026

Musanze, Rwanda – Jean Claude Hategekimana feared that returning to Rwanda could cost him his life. After years with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), he decided to leave the armed group and return home. At Rwanda’s Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre, he began preparing for civilian life.

Born in 1996 in Rutsiro District, in western Rwanda, Hategekimana moved to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with his parents and grew up in an area controlled by the FDLR. He joined the group in 2018, underwent military training and eventually reached the rank of captain.

“I arrived at the Mutobo Centre after fighting to defend Goma. Following our defeat, I fled to Masisi. After realising that I was fighting for nothing, I decided to return to Rwanda. I came back on February 24,” he told WTX News.

Captain Jean-Claude Hategekimana, a former FDLR fighter who returned to Rwanda in February 2026 and entered the Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre [Layth Mushtaq/WTX News]

Hategekimana said FDLR members had been taught that anyone who returned to Rwanda would be killed.

“Upon arriving in Rwanda, I realised that the FDLR had been lying to us. For me, returning home felt like embarking on a suicide mission,” he said.

His experience illustrates the challenge of reintegrating former fighters whose beliefs and fears have been shaped by years in an armed group.

Rebuilding civilian life

Francis Musoni, secretary-general of the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission, said the Mutobo centre, located in Musanze in Rwanda’s Northern Province, was established in 2001 to receive members of the FDLR and other Rwandan armed groups returning from the DRC.

The FDLR emerged in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis. After the genocide, members of the former Rwandan armed forces and militia groups fled to what was then Zaire, now the DRC. The Rwandan government accuses the FDLR of carrying out attacks against Rwanda and contributing to cross-border insecurity.

At Mutobo, the rehabilitation programme includes medical care, psychosocial support, civic education and assistance with reconnecting with families. Returnees can also contact relatives and friends through a telephone service, Musoni said.

“We help them to build confidence among themselves, build trust, and empower them to go back into the community and contribute to the development of the country together with their families,” he said.

Children play on playground equipment at the Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre in northern Rwanda [Layth Mushtaq/WTX News]

The centre also allows visitors and media representatives to meet returnees. Musoni said those undergoing rehabilitation can visit their communities for short periods to help rebuild their confidence in returning home.

“They can travel to their communities [during rehabilitation]. They are given written permission for a week or two, and we even facilitate transport,” he said.

Different journeys home

For the former commanders interviewed by WTX News at Mutobo, the decision to leave the FDLR was shaped by family ties, disillusionment and concerns about personal safety.

Major-General Anastase Munyaneza served in the former Rwandan armed forces in Kigali’s Kicukiro District during the 1994 genocide. He said he left Rwanda after the genocide and later joined the FDLR, eventually commanding its South Kivu sector.

Although he had come to accept the group’s beliefs, Munyaneza remained in contact with his family in Rwanda. News of their lives made him question his own circumstances.

“I was the only one who had fled to the DRC. I regularly received news about them. I knew they were still alive, attending school, working for the government and improving their lives. I began asking myself what I was doing in the forest,” he said.

He added that seeing other members return safely encouraged him to consider going home.

Munyaneza said he contacted personnel from the United Nations Organisation Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), who transported him from South Kivu to Bukavu and then to the Congolese-Rwandan border. He subsequently proceeded to Mutobo.

Lieutenant-Colonel Idrissa Bizimana, who was responsible for ideology, propaganda and recruitment within the FDLR, said his decision to return followed a change in his convictions.

“I no longer believed in the ideology I had been promoting. After receiving verified information about what was happening in Rwanda, I decided to return home,” he said.

Bizimana said he had been in contact with a MONUSCO general who had offered to help him return. Using a satellite phone equipped with GPS, he sent his location and the date. A helicopter was then dispatched to retrieve him, he said.

Lieutenant-Colonel Emilien Mpakaniye, who joined the FDLR in 1998 and was responsible for economic affairs at its headquarters, said he began questioning the organisation after becoming disillusioned with what he described as its lies.

Colonel Augustin Nshimiyimana, a former FDLR intelligence commander who returned to Rwanda in 2022 and underwent rehabilitation at the Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre [Layth Mushtaq/WTX News]

Colonel Augustin Nshimiyimana, a former FDLR intelligence commander, returned to Rwanda in 2022 and underwent rehabilitation at Mutobo. He said he decided to leave after another commander accused him of working with Rwanda following a disagreement over a mission in Bujumbura.

Nshimiyimana said the accusation made him fear for his life.

“When they accuse you of working with Rwanda, it means they consider you a Tutsi, and the next step is to kill you,” he said.

Preparing for a new life

At Mutobo, former fighters receive education and practical support to prepare for life after discharge.

Febronie Mukankiko, a teacher at the centre, said teaching people who grew up in the forest required a different approach.

“Our students are different from ordinary students. They are adults who grew up in the forest, so teaching them requires special skills. We undergo additional training to ensure that we can teach them effectively,” she said.

Febronie Mukankiko, a teacher at Rwanda’s Mutobo Demobilisation and Reintegration Centre, where she teaches adult former fighters who grew up in the forest [Layth Mushtaq/WTX News]

She added that completing their studies could be a significant achievement for those with limited access to formal education.

“When they graduate and receive their certificates, they are very happy,” she said.

Musoni said the average stay at the centre was five months, after which returnees completed a formal discharge process. He said assistance could include financial support, vocational training, formal education and help establishing income-generating activities. The commission also follows up with former residents to assess how they are adjusting to life in their communities.

For those who have spent years away from Rwanda, leaving Mutobo marks the start of another transition: finding work, reconnecting with family and adjusting to civilian society.

For Mpakaniye, disillusionment came partly from the contrast between the lives of senior commanders’ families and those of ordinary fighters.

“First, their family members live in Rwanda and in Europe, while ours are in the forest,” he said.

Barber hailed as hero for disarming man who attacked MP Helen Haines

Get you up to speed: Hero barber who pinned down and disarmed Helen Haines’ alleged attacker speaks out | News World

What remains unclear — Authorities have not disclosed the motive behind the attack on Helen Haines.

Barber hailed as hero for disarming man who attacked MP Helen Haines

A man has been hailed as a hero for running to rescue Australian MP Helen Haines after she was hit by a car.

Haines, 65, was hit by a white Toyota Land Cruiser outside her office on Murphy Street in Wangaratta, northeast of Melbourne, 3.35pm Monday.

Police were on the scene within seconds of the call coming through and have charged a 43-year-old Tarrawingee man.

The Independent MP suffered critical lower body injuries and has now lost one of her legs.

Australian barber Ricky Jefferies recalled how he heard a ‘loud bang’ outside his shop when it happened.

He sprinted out of his shop to detain the man, reportedly grabbing a knife from the alleged attacker’s pocket as he pulled him out of the car.

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Australian MP Helen Haines was hit by a car (Picture: via REUTERS)

‘Hero’ barber Ricky Jefferies rushed to help her (Picture: William WEST / AFP via Getty Images)

‘It was crazy, I just ran out the front to see what was happening,’ he told reporters on Tuesday.

‘He did have a knife,’ Jefferies continued. ‘He didn’t pull it out. I just wasn’t comfortable with his movements, and so I basically just took it out of his pocket and threw it away.’

Haines is still in critical condition after undergoing surgery overnight.

Brendan Nugent was arrested at the scene after being tackled by bystanders, having reportedly exited the vehicle.

Police have given no motive for the attack, with counterterrorism authorities among the multiple agencies involved in the investigation.

Nugent’s father, Rod Nugent, and Rod’s partner, Christine Cunningham, did release a statement today sharing praise for Haines.

‘Helen has been our friend for more than 20 years and what happened to her yesterday is devastating and unfathomable,’ they said.

‘All of our love and all of our thoughts are with Helen and her family and friends.

Police are investigating the incident which is believed to be an ‘attack’, not an accident (Picture: AFP or licensors)

Haines is recovering in hospital but has lost a leg (Picture: AAPIMAGE)

‘We would like to sincerely thank members of the local community and police who came to Helen’s aid yesterday after the shocking and horrific crime. We will be assisting Victoria Police in any way we can.’

Early investigations suggested the driver performed a U-turn before hitting Haines as she was loading or unloading things from the trunk of her car, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said.

Albanese praised Jefferies’ intervention, calling him a hero, but the barber whose shop is next to Haines’ office downplayed his role.

‘I don’t think I’m a hero. I think that I just was a person who had an opportunity to intervene in a safe-ish sort of way,’ he said, according to the BBC.

Since 2019, Haines has represented Indi in northeast Victoria, which includes the cities of Wodonga, Wangaratta and Benalla.

The family of the former nurse and midwife thanked the ‘swift assistance of bystanders’ and the emergency services yesterday.

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Oxfam report reveals Peru’s richest 1% captured 42% of new wealth since 2019

Get you up to speed: Oxfam analysis finds Peru’s richest captured 42 percent of all new wealth

What remains unclear — It is not specified how the Peruvian government plans to address the rising inequality despite significant public support for action.

Oxfam report reveals Peru’s richest 1% captured 42% of new wealth since 2019

News|InequalityOxfam analysis finds Peru’s richest captured 42 percent of all new wealth

Only 1.4 percent of all new wealth created between 2019 and 2025 went to the poorest 50 percent of the population, report finds.

Published On 20 Oct 202620 Oct 2026

The top 1 percent in Peru captured 42 percent of all new wealth generated between 2019 and 2025, an analysis by the nonprofit group Oxfam has found.

The report, released on Tuesday, highlights growing inequality in the South American country and raises questions about how the government is addressing deepening social divisions.

“Economic inequality in Peru has remained stubbornly high for decades. And when people feel that the same people always win, that nothing changes and nothing can change, inequality starts to look less like an injustice and more like the natural order of things,” said Alejandra Alayza, the executive director of Oxfam in Peru.

“That is a dangerous kind of fatalism, and we must tear it down.”

The nonprofit told WTX News in an email that the 42 percent figure represents an increase from the 2000 to 2019 period, when the top 1 percent captured about 39 percent of all new wealth.

Just 1.4 percent of new wealth from 2019 to 2025 went to the poorest 50 percent of the country’s population, according to the group.

Experts warn the trend bodes poorly for public faith in government and democratic institutions.

Oxfam worked with the Institute for Peruvian Studies, a think tank in Lima, to publish a report this month on Peruvians’ perceptions of inequality in their country.

The groups found that 84 percent of Peruvians believed their country is governed by powerful interests that shape politics to their benefit. More than 75 percent also said that wealthy corporations and individuals avoid paying their fair share of taxes.

The survey also suggested that public opinion was in favour of action to address the issue.

About 70 percent of respondents said they want the government to do more to reduce inequality, which a majority felt had limited access to services such as healthcare, employment, education and justice.

“The undeniable scale of public support for action to reduce inequality leaves no room for complacency,” Alayza said.

“Inequality is not a force of nature; it is made by political choices. And different choices can build a different Peru.”

Political instability

Peru’s rising inequality has been accompanied by a period of political turmoil, particularly in the presidential palace.

A stream of probes, scandals and impeachments has led to Peru being governed by nine presidents in the last 10 years.

The latest, right-wing President Keiko Fujimori, was sworn into office in July after a narrow race that saw voting delays and heated recriminations among the leading candidates.

Experts believe powerful interests have found opportunity amid the political tumult.

“It’s sort of a paradox. How can you have such a rotation among elites but still have a relatively narrow political-criminal-business elite that holds a lot of power? I think both things are true in Peru,” Will Freeman, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, a US-based think tank, told WTX News.

Part of the political upheaval has come from clashes between the presidency and Peru’s powerful Congress, which has the power to impeach executive leaders on the basis of “moral incapacity”, an ambiguous term.

The repeated leadership shakeups have weakened Peru’s democracy, according to analysts.

In December 2022, for instance, then-President Pedro Castillo announced that he would illegally dissolve Congress in response to repeated attempts to impeach him.

His subsequent removal and arrest prompted widespread protests. The government of Castillo’s successor, Dina Boluarte, implemented a months-long crackdown on the demonstrations that rights groups say included widespread abuses for which there has been little accountability.

In the years since, the Peruvian government has also taken steps to weaken judicial oversight and hollow out anticorruption watchdogs.

The nonprofit Freedom House, which measures political freedom in countries around the world, ranked Peru as “free” in 2022. But its ranking dropped the following year to “partly free”, in light of the deadly clashes between security forces and protesters.

In its 2026 report, Freedom House maintained that Peru was only “partly free”, citing in part the denial of full political rights to certain groups, including Indigenous peoples.

“High-profile corruption scandals have eroded public trust in government, and the weakening of judicial independence has impacted the country’s governing bodies,” the nonprofit said.

Powerful interests, both licit and illicit, have taken advantage of those changes.

“The groups themselves are unstable and fluid,” said Freeman. “And yet, I think Peruvians are right to conclude that, generally, they are wielding outsized influence in defence of their own commercial interests or political power rather [than] in service of some kind of general welfare.”